How did the far right become a global phenomenon?
India
By Indrajit Roy
Although the Hindu Right has a long history in India, the current wave of its success can be traced back to the 1980s when a suite of Hindu rightwing organisations converged to reclaim Hindu temples that had allegedly been desecrated by Islamic invaders in medieval times. The temple town of Ayodhya, in the northern state of Uttar Pradesh, emerged as a flashpoint for these demands: here, the Hindu Right demanded the destruction of a 16th-century mosque built on a site they claimed was the birthplace of the beloved deity Lord Rama so that they could build a grand temple over its ruins.
This demand saw the convergence of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS, founded in 1925 as a paramilitary cultural organisation to defend Hindus from their enemies), the Vishva Hindu Parishad (World Hindu Council, founded in 1964 to unite Hindus across the globe), and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP, founded in 1980 to promote Hindu interests in national politics).
The mass mobilisation that underpinned the demand galvanised electoral support for the BJP. The party increased its parliamentary presence from a mere two seats in 1984 to 120 in 1991, establishing itself as the main contender to the ruling Congress Party. By 1996, the BJP had emerged as the single largest party in Indian elections – a position it lost in 2004 but regained in 2014 when, under the leadership of Narendra Modi, it gained a crushing majority not seen in India since 1984.
The temple reclamation movement emerged in the context of, and in reaction to, rising social assertions by India’s historically oppressed communities during the 1980s. Fearing a threat to their accumulated privileges, high-status “upper-caste” Hindus actively supported the Hindu Right as a means of deflecting and blunting social protest mounted by communities disparaged as “low caste” and “untouchable”, in addition to widespread trade union activism. Congress, whose parliamentary dominance during the 1980s was on the verge of collapse, also pandered to religious orthodoxy, further polarising society and enabling the Hindu Right to present its demands as legitimate.
Latin America
By Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser
In recent years, the perception of the far right in Latin America has dramatically shifted. If the far right was once considered a phenomenon confined primarily to Europe and other regions, recent electoral developments have challenged this view. The first major turning point was Jair Bolsonaro’s election as president of Brazil in 2018. While his term ended in 2022 and Brazil’s democratic institutions ultimately prevailed, the narrow margin of his electoral defeat and the continued influence of “Bolsonarismo” in the political sphere signal a lasting legacy.
The second key event was the rise of Javier Milei, a self-proclaimed anarcho-capitalist with strong conservative and populist views, who became Argentina’s president in 2023. Milei famously wielded a chainsaw at political rallies as a symbol of his commitment to drastically reducing state intervention.
Lastly, Nayib Bukele’s re-election as president of El Salvador in early 2023 marks another milestone in the ascent of far-right politics in the region. Initially viewed as a progressive leader, Bukele has increasingly been associated with far-right politics, largely due to his hardline anticrime policies, which many see as necessary to address the country’s pervasive security issues.
Collectively, these developments signal a pivotal shift in Latin America’s political landscape, with far-right ideologies gaining influence and reshaping governance across the region.
Israel
By Sharon Pardo and Yonatan Touval
Under Benjamin Netanyahu’s leadership, Israel has undergone a significant transformation, becoming a right-wing populist, illiberal powerhouse and aligning itself with European far-right parties and governments. This shift represents a strategic move to further the interests of Netanyahu’s Israel, particularly regarding the occupation of the Palestinian Territories and foreign policy objectives.
Netanyahu has cultivated relationships with far-right parties like Germany’s AfD, the Netherlands’ PVV, and Austria’s FPÖ. These alliances are based on shared anti-Islamic sentiments, Euroscepticism, and a mutual desire for legitimisation. While overlooking these parties’ roots in antisemitism, Netanyahu’s government gains their support for its policies and positions, including the current conflicts with Hamas in Gaza and Hezbollah in Lebanon. The Visegrád Group countries – Czechia, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia – have become particularly close allies of Israel, with Netanyahu using these relationships to influence EU foreign policy.
These partnerships go beyond mere political convenience, reflecting deep ideological affinities. Both Netanyahu’s Israel and its European far-right allies reject multiculturalism, oppose immigration – especially from Muslim countries – and share a disdain for international organisations, the liberal media, and international law. Ultimately, this alliance aims to weaken the EU’s normative power and its ability to pressure Israel. It also marks a significant change in the attitude of Netanyahu’s Israel towards the EU and reflects broader shifts in global politics towards populism and illiberalism.
Following the 7 October massacre and the rise of antisemitism in Europe, Israelis must be aware not only of the antisemitic roots of many European far-right parties but also of the extremist views held by many of their current leaders and supporters. Israelis should recognise that European mainstream parties and leaders support their right to exist in peace and are working to fight antisemitism and secure Jewish life in Europe.
Neoliberalism and Post-Growth
By Roman Krznaric
The key moment for the rise of the far right today lies in the foundation of the Mont Pèlerin Society in 1947, which brought together figures such as Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman to spread the gospel of neoliberalism. The longterm impacts of their ideology – especially since it captured mainstream Western politics in the 1980s – have been enormous, in particular through accelerating wealth inequality and economic insecurity, which are key drivers of the explosion of far-right, anti-system populism over the past two decades. This is why it is so essential that a transition to post-growth green economies ensures basic job security and keeps down the price of housing, food, and energy. Without this, economic insecurity will continue to result in political destabilisation and make it even tougher to face the turbulence of the coming decades.
