When residents of Zagreb went to the polls in May for local elections, they were not just choosing a mayor. After four years of municipal governance by a coalition between Možemo! (We Can!) and the Social Democratic Party (SDP), the vote served as a de facto referendum on the first Green-Left administration in the history of the Croatian capital.

The result was a resounding victory for the coalition. In the mayoral race, Možemo! leader Tomislav Tomašević went into the second round with 47.6 per cent of the vote, far ahead of right-wing challenger Marija Selak Raspudić, who secured just 15.7 per cent. The second round also ended with a comfortable victory for Tomašević, who won 56.6 per cent of ballots. But even more importantly, Možemo! and SDP maintained a majority in the City Assembly, thereby securing a vital pillar for governance continuity.

But Možemo! saw good results elsewhere in Croatia as well. In Pazin, Suzana Jašić was re-elected mayor, confirming continued support for the party in the municipality. In Karlovac, Možemo! candidate Draženka Polović achieved a surprisingly strong result, falling just a few percentage points short of winning the mayoral race and marking a symbolic breakthrough in a region where the platform had previously lacked significant support. Finally, in Rijeka, Split, Osijek, Dubrovnik, Pula and some other major cities, Možemo! retained its presence in city councils, reaffirming that its voter base remains strong in urban areas.

But what drove this success?

The seeds of change

For almost two decades, Zagreb had been governed by populist politician Milan Bandić and his political and business network. Bandić’s leadership was marred by numerous scandals, opaque governance, mounting debt, and chaotic urban planning, with accusations of clientelism. But his sudden death in early 2021 opened a political opportunity that Možemo! swiftly and strategically seized.

Ahead of that year’s local elections, the party based its largely grassroots campaign on the promise of deep political, administrative, and infrastructural renewal grounded in transparency, sustainability, and social justice. The 2021 campaign focused on closing the Jakuševec landfill, investing in public transport, accelerating post-earthquake reconstruction, and advancing the city’s green transition. Soon after, Tomašević emerged as a key political figure and a symbol of both generational and political change. Subsequently, Možemo! managed to 23 out of 47 seats in the City Assembly and formed a governing majority with the Social Democratic Party (SDP).

The coalition’s first term was characterised by efforts to stabilise the inherited situation, restructuring city-owned companies, consolidating public finances, and increasing oversight of municipal governance. Možemo! made visible progress in areas such as public transport modernisation, renovation of kindergartens and schools, and investments in sports infrastructure. The introduction of new electric buses, procurement of domestically manufactured trams, and the expansion of pedestrian zones in the city centre signalled a tangible shift toward greener and more people-oriented urban planning. And even though some key pledges, such as the closure of the Jakuševec landfill, remained unfulfilled and progress was at times slow due to resistance from interest groups linked to the former administration, voters chose to lend their support to Možemo! for another term.

In his victory speech on the eve of the May elections, Tomašević promised that the next four years would be focused on a “mandate of development”. While the first term was dedicated to cleaning up inherited mess, the second would deliver on affordable housing, energy transition, and large-scale infrastructure projects, including the long-awaited waste management centre. Now, the question is, can Možemo! make good on its promises and consolidate itself as a reliable political force?

A turbulent record

The history of green political movements in Croatia has been marked by a series of short-lived rises and quick downfalls, as well as a persistent search for an authentic voice to place environmental and social issues at the centre of political discourse. During the 1990s and early 2000s, there were no significant Green actors on the political scene, and ecological topics mostly remained on the margins of public debate or within the confines of civil society. The first serious political initiative emerged in 2013 with the founding of the party Sustainable Development of Croatia (Održivi razvoj Hrvatske, ORaH), led by then-parliamentarian and former Minister of Environmental Protection, Mirela Holy.

Initially, ORaH experienced a genuine political surge. The party’s messages on sustainable agriculture, fighting corruption, and social justice resonated with urban, educated, and environmentally conscious voters disappointed in the mainstream political offer, especially the Social Democratic Party (SDP). At its peak, the party polled as high as almost 20 per cent, and its crowning achievement came in 2014, when Davor Škrlec was elected to the European Parliament, becoming Croatia’s first Green MEP.

However, OraH failed to consolidate its organisational structure and struggled with internal conflicts. In the 2015 parliamentary elections, the party failed to win a single seat, and shortly afterwards, Holy withdrew from politics. Without her leadership, OraH rapidly disintegrated, leaving a vacuum in the country’s green political space.

But that space would not remain empty for long. In 2017, Zagreb is OURS! (Zagreb je NAŠ!) was formed in the Croatian capital by environmental activists, cultural workers, and unionists with the goal of defending the public interest at the local level. The initiative saw quick success in the same year by winning four seats in Zagreb’s City Assembly. It was a modest but symbolically important breakthrough, and it marked the beginning of a new chapter for the Croatian Green movement. The political rise of Možemo! is a rare example of a rapid transformation from a grassroots movement into a serious political player. After achieving a surprising success in 2017 with the Zagreb is Ours! (Zagreb je Naš!) list in the Zagreb City Assembly, the activists behind the initiative concluded that green and progressive political ideas could not remain confined to the boundaries of a single city. Hence, they formed the Možemo! platform in 2019.

Although they failed to win a seat in that year’s European elections, the campaign gave Možemo! valuable visibility and helped to push Green-Left issues into wider public consciousness. The real political breakthrough came in 2020, when the party ran as part of a broader Green-Left coalition in the national parliamentary elections. The campaign was highly successful and gave Možemo! seven seats in the Croatian Parliament.  The election sent a clear signal that voters were willing to place trust in a political option that combines social justice, environmental responsibility, and a strong anti-corruption stance.

The political rise of Možemo! is a rare example of a rapid transformation from a grassroots movement into a serious political player.

Then came the party’s electoral victory in Zagreb and Pazin and its entry into local governance. But as the platform’s national profile grew, so did the stakes. The year 2024 posed a major political test for Možemo!. In a so-called “super election year” featuring parliamentary, European, and presidential elections, the platform had to prove it was not just a party of Zagreb, but a lasting national political force. In the April parliamentary elections, Možemo! won 9.1 per cent of the vote and increased its presence in Parliament to ten seats. In June, the party managed to get into the European Parliament, establishing a foothold in the EU institutions.

In December, Možemo! MP Ivana Kekin took part in the presidential election, managing to secure around 9 per cent of the vote. Her campaign became the target of political discreditation and judicial pressures, some of which involved interest groups linked to entrenched power structures in Zagreb. However, far from derailing her candidacy, these attacks energised part of the electorate and reinforced Možemo!’s image as a political movement targeted by entrenched elites.  

The crossroads of power

Following its success in the 2025 local elections, Možemo! finds itself at a pivotal juncture. Now entering its sixth year of existence and holding a second term in Zagreb, Pazin, and the national parliament, the platform can no longer rely on the novelty factor or the element of surprise. What lies ahead is a more mature phase of political life; one that will test not just Možemo!’s popularity, but also its long-term political viability.

One central dilemma the platform faces is the tension between its local participatory roots and the need for national party discipline. From its early days, Možemo! was conceived not as a traditional party but as a political platform. However, running a city like Zagreb, maintaining a presence in Parliament, and engaging more actively in European institutions require professionalisation, clearer hierarchies, and the ability to make decisions in tighter timeframes.

As Greens in other European countries have experienced, the shift from activism to governance – from the streets to executive power – risks bringing into question a movement’s political identity. For Možemo!, the challenge is to balance its origins with the demands of governance.

Sandra Benčić is a member of the Croatian parliament and a party coordinator for Možemo! who has experienced these mounting pressures first-hand. According to her, the platform is fully aware of the tension between activism and governance. From the outset, Možemo! has worked to develop a flexible organisational model that can balance foundational values with the demands of institutional presence.

Rather than adopting a traditional party structure, Možemo! has built a system of thematic working groups that include members, experts, and engaged citizens. The idea, Benčić explains, is to build a bridge between “institutional politics and a society that knows, has experience, and wants to contribute”, preserving a horizontal ethos while ensuring the platform functions effectively.

“We don’t want to carve our structure in stone. The aim is for responsibility to emerge through engagement, for people to naturally step into roles, not be pushed into them. It is a slower path, but one that is more sustainable in the long run,”Benčić notes. But at the same time, she acknowledges the limits of participatory processes in the face of the realities of political life: “There are moments when decisions must be made quickly, and that is when clearer hierarchies become necessary, because accountability has to be tangible. That’s not a betrayal of our principles – it is an adjustment to how institutions actually work.”

A second major challenge that Možemo! is facing is the geographic distribution of support. While the platform continues to perform strongly in larger urban centres, its presence in smaller towns and rural areas remains limited, with significantly weaker electoral support. Although their campaign messaging emphasises issues relevant to these regions, such as sustainable agriculture, green public procurement, accessible healthcare, decentralisation, and infrastructure investment, these narratives have yet to break through entrenched political barriers. This raises a strategic question: Should Možemo! adapt its political messaging and organisational structure to reach voters beyond urban cores or would that inevitably dilute the political identity that brought them this far?

As Greens in other European countries have experienced, the shift from activism to governance risks bringing into question a movement’s political identity.

Benčić is clear that this isn’t just a matter of messaging, but of local capacity. The platform still lacks enough locally rooted individuals who can credibly communicate its priorities and translate them into concrete political messages. Furthermore, the parliamentarian explains, attempts to bring substantive programmes on healthcare, agriculture, or public services to the broader public often remain politically invisible, “partly because we don’t have enough presence on the ground, but also because the media space favours conflict and polarising themes”.

Rather than deploying top-down party operatives to unfamiliar territories, Možemo! wants to build its presence from the ground up, through people who understand the specific context in which they operate. “We need people who know their communities, who are experts in their fields, who understand local dynamics. We are building that, but it’s a process,” she says.

The strategic goal, according to Benčić, isn’t merely to “cover the ground” during elections, but to make long-term investments in people, political education, and trust in communities where the platform is not yet firmly established.

Finally, the third major challenge Možemo! faces is the growing need for dedicated personnel, a question that becomes increasingly pressing as the platform matures. While the party’s core leadership has carried much of the responsibility for years, the issue of succession is growing more urgent.

In recent years, a new generation of politicians has joined Možemo!. One of them is Dorotea Šafranić, a student and newly elected member of the Zagreb City Assembly. In her view, the platform’s priority over the next four years should be “staying agile and flexible, and giving space to young people who bring freshness and innovation to political work”.

At the heart of Šafranić’s political vision is listening to citizens, involving communities in decision making, and demonstrating clear achievements, especially in places where Možemo! holds power. “It’s crucial to clearly communicate our accomplishments to show that change can be both positive and sustainable,” she says.

At the same time, she agrees with Benčić that the party must be present in areas where it is not yet politically established, offering meaningful alternatives and a real understanding of local needs. “This is how we can build trust and spread positive change across the country, while respecting the uniqueness of each community.” Furthermore, Šafranić and Benčić both suggest that Možemo! envisions itself not as a platform dependent on individual charisma, but as a movement that systematically invests in people willing to take on political responsibility in the years ahead.

Everything to gain – or lose

In the end, it is worth remembering something often forgotten in the Croatian political context: Možemo! remains one of the few political forces to come to power with a clearly defined reform agenda and one of the even fewer to demonstrate a sustained commitment to its implementation.  Unlike ORaH or many smaller parties across the political spectrum, Možemo! has not only won but retained power in a big city like Zagreb.

The party’s results in Croatia’s capital, both in the first and second terms, are more than electoral victories; they are a test of whether politics in Croatia can be more than just managing the status quo. Political capital gained at the local level, where the results of municipal governance are tangible and felt in citizens’ daily lives, can translate into broader credibility for national ambitions.

If citizens recognise that promised reforms have been truly delivered upon, then projects like Možemo! stand a chance of outgrowing the context in which they were born and becoming a relevant force in reshaping Croatian political reality. The coming months and years will reveal whether that opportunity has been seized or lost.